• Following the coups of 1987, Fiji’s overall political, economic and social situation has been deteriorating.

• Fiji’s constitutional and electoral arrangements have been very divisive.  Communal electoral rolls and the alternative voting system have promoted extremist, race-based politics.  One of the most fundamental problems facing Fiji is the lack of unity among its people.

• The general level of trust between communities is low.

• Major institutions – Parliament, the Judiciary and the Public Service – have been weak and require major reforms to improve their accountability, transparency and responsiveness to the needs of Fiji’s citizens.

• Weak accountability mechanisms and self-centered leadership have resulted in public perceptions of patronage and corruption.

• Fiji’s economy has been stagnating and unable to generate the new jobs needed.  Savings and investment rates are now at historically low levels, the efficiency of capital is declining and productivity is not improving.  Insufficient land is available for productive and social purposes and there is a major property rights problem – the inability to create an adequate number of leasehold interests in land – which is harming landlords and the country because this does not allow Fiji’s landowners to access the latent capital in their land, which they could use to further develop the land or use for other productive purposes.

• Average incomes have been stagnating and the number of people living under the poverty line has increased sharply to well over a third of Fiji’s total population.

• Service delivery generally, and in particular in the health and education sectors has been unsatisfactory.  Ten percent of the children aged 5-14 years do not attend school.  More than half the total numbers in final year of primary school do not progress to secondary education.  Increasing numbers of Fiji’s people lack access to potable water, power, and transport.  Squatter settlements in major urban centres are increasing in size at a very rapid pace.

• Many institutional arrangements in Fiji – legal rules, rules surrounding the operation of markets and government regulations – are weak and do not support modern economic or financial arrangements.  They make it difficult for entrepreneurs to get access to the assets they need to run their businesses e.g. land, capital, skilled labour, foreign exchange, etc.

• An over dominant, and in some areas inappropriate, role of the government: the government has involved itself in businesses that would be better left to the private sector.  More importantly it has not addressed many of the problems that only the government can deal with e.g. specifying property rights, maintaining and creating new infrastructure, providing opportunities for people to upgrade their skills, and providing an enabling environment for the private sector and a more supportive one for civil society.

• Inappropriate and/or inconsistent policies: government policies need to be compatible with each other, consistent over time, and credible.  In practice, over the past two decades, some policies have often been fighting against each other (e.g. fiscal and monetary policy), have been internally inconsistent, and/or constantly changing.

• Fiji has been slow to adapt to changing external circumstances: for example, it had many years notice of the loss of preferences for garments and sugar but not enough was done in advance to prepare the economy for these changes.

• The ethnic, racial and religious divisions in Fiji’s society are reflected in the sad fact that the country still does not have a widely accepted common name for all the citizens of Fiji.  In short, a common, shared national identity does not exist.  This is a particularly sad failure in nation building, since Fiji attained independence in October, 1970.

• The traditions of religious tolerance are fraying with unacceptable incidents of violence directed at temples, mosques and churches.  The emergence of religious fundamentalism is disturbing, and the persistence of ethno-nationalism is particularly worrisome.

• There is a dependency syndrome in looking to the government to do everything.  For the indigenous Fijians, this stands in the way of their progress, in the exercise of initiative, entrepreneurship, and innovation.

• Untrained leadership at all levels and in all domains in society.  Poor management throughout Fiji’s public, private, and NGO sectors.

• Given such fundamental, deep-rooted and complex problems and issues, the case for change now is compelling.  It is time to do things differently.  There is a need for major changes and reforms in every area of Fiji’s institutional, political, economic and social governance.

• Since Independence in 1970, the tradition of governance, including the efforts at community and national development, has been “top-down”.  There is a need for a “bottom-up” approach, one which is people-driven, and which holds leaders, at all levels, accountable i.e. a peoples’ democracy at work.

C.Peoples Charter for Change, Peace and Progress    

• In January 2007, His Excellency the President gave the Interim Government the mandate to move the country forward.  In this context, the Cabinet in September, 2007, fully endorsed a proposal to launch a national initiative, to “Build a Better Fiji for All”, through a Peoples Charter for Change, Peace and Progress (Peoples Charter).  The President officially launched the Peoples Charter initiative on October 10, 2007, and he took steps to establish a 45 member National Council for Building a Better Fiji [NCBBF].  The NCBBF membership is broad-based and representative including leaders of all major organisations [community, social, religious, political] in the country.  Only 10 of the members of the NCBBF are from the Interim Government.  Both NCBBF and its Technical Secretariat operate autonomously of the Interim Government.  

• All the major political parties, including the Qarase-led SDL and even the National Federation Party, which has not won any seats in the last three consecutive Parliaments, were invited to participate as members of NCBBF.  However, some organisations, such as several political parties including SDL and also the current leaders of the Methodist Church, chose not to accept the invitation of His Excellency, The President.  For its part, the NCBBF has left the door open and the invitations remain extended for them to take their seats when they feel ready to do so.  By deliberately choosing not to participate, these organisations have willfully penalised, not only themselves but also their loyal followers, most of them the ordinary people Fiji.

• The NCBBF has undertaken its mandated task of formulating the draft Peoples Charter through two key steps: first, through an extensive consultation process, the preparation of a comprehensive, forward-looking Report on the State of the Nation and the Economy, (the SNE Report).  This 385-page SNE Report, in its forward-looking part, provide a list of recommendations for changes to Fiji’s system of governance including its laws, as necessary and appropriate, on economic and resources development policies, on leadership values, community relations, on national identity, and on institutional reforms, and second, on the basis of the findings and recommendations contained in the SNE Report, and the feedback from the country-wide consultations (over 1000 villages and settlements and all urban areas were covered), a draft Peoples Charter has been prepared which is now being taken to the people in the next phase of nation-wide consultations.

2.Vision

• mainstreaming indigenous Fijians in a modern, progressive Fiji;

• growing the economy through sound policies; and

• interfaith dialogue.

• Fiji needs a united and unifying vision ; a vision that brings the people of Fiji together, for the people of Fiji to work together to solve the deep-rooted political, economic and social problems of this country.

3.Some Misconceptions (and the Disinformation Campaigns) on Peoples Charter:

• The draft Peoples Charter has been formulated through an extensive, broadly inclusive, nation-wide consultation and participatory process.

• However, at present it is only a draft document.  It will only become the Peoples Charter when embraced by a majority of the people of Fiji.  Contrary to the claims of the opponents, including the mainstream media, the NCBBF has adopted an outreach strategy and a consultation process that is transparent.  The people of Fiji must express their will freely and without intimidation.  With majority support, the Peoples Charter would then be representative of the collective will of the people.

• It seeks to bring about new ways of doing things.  This means changes across the nation and, in particular, at the level of the individuals and communities : in their attitudes, in their relationships with one another, in their thinking, and the way they expect to be governed.

• It affirms that the Constitution is the supreme law of Fiji; that the Peoples Charter seeks to strengthen, not to replace it.

• The draft Peoples Charter provides a set of commitments for change and reform which are proposed that the people of Fiji make to each other, about change, peace and progress : to rebuild Fiji as a nation.  It will be the people of Fiji :  seeking change, and committing themselves to change, for the better.

5.Challenges to and for Change

• There are some who believe that the 1997 Constitution as a whole is a success, even when certain parts of the Constitution have in fact helped to entrench, perpetuate and legitimize race-based, divisive politics.  A major impediment to Fiji’s return to parliamentary democracy is that the current electoral and voting system itself is undemocratic.

• There are people in our communities who tolerate the leadership of those politicians and ethno-nationalists who are elitist, extremist and self-interested.  It is time Fiji’s people woke up to the motives of such leaders whose actions are divisive and damaging and which leave the people of Fiji behind, in terms of peace, stability and progress.

• There has been a tendency on the part of many to be gullible in reacting to the basic fears and resentments that some leaders have chosen to try to manipulate, and which has resulted in people not facing up to the fundamental need for change.  Fiji needs leaders who are progressive, visionary, and constructive.  Fiji’s people, in all communities, need to reject those so-called leaders who sow nothing but the seeds of negativity.  Criticism can be valuable but not if that is all such leaders have to say.  Optimism must have its place.  Fiji cries out for better, more enlightened leadership.

• People have in the past accepted governments that have been nothing but a national embarrassment in the way that they have discharged their sacred responsibilities to the people of Fiji.  In particular, Fiji needs strong and effective institutions to enforce accountability and the rule of law.

• There is a need to confront the awkward fact that Fiji’s economy is not getting any better and that increasing numbers of Fiji’s people, especially the youth, may face long term unemployment with all the risks this may pose for their well being.  Leaders and policy makers need to be imaginative, innovative and bold, to ensure Fiji’s environment is conducive for private sector - led growth; for confidence and investment in the country to increase.  Fiji must find new markets and create more new job opportunities.  Part of the solution lies in better education.  In addition, more thoughtfulness is needed in the approach to giving access to land and its utilisation for new economic growth.

• There is a need to stop treating law and order as someone else’s problem.  Families and communities need to recognize that it is their children and families that commit crimes.  Jail time often solves nothing.  Communities need to find ways to help and change those who engage in criminal behaviour.

• There is a need to break the cycle of coups, to put an end to what is now widely perceived as the “coup culture” in Fiji.  This means an acceptance, through change in thought, attitude and behaviour, that Fiji’s framework of governance, which must entrench the rule of law, is paramount and that no individual or community in Fiji can claim any higher interest.  It means dealing with those who persist in peddling the ethno-nationalist supremacy agenda; and also in moderating the rise of religious fundamentalism.  It also means rethinking the role of the army so that it still protects national security and that any of its concerns about governance gets addressed and resolved within the established governance framework.  The RFMF as an institution is strong.  One of the problems for Fiji is that other key institutions are weak.

• There is a need to resolve the long term problems in Fiji’s international relationships.  Currently, these are not good, in large part because of the 2006 coup but substantively, since May, 1987.  Fiji needs to demonstrate, consistently, that it is operating within the rule of law.  The international community, for its part, needs to be better informed about Fiji and its overall situation in order for Fiji’s external development partners to be more compassionate in their understanding about Fiji, and about the deep-rooted problems that affect the country and the people of Fiji.

6.Going Forward

• Fiji has lost enormously in the wake of the successive coups since 1987, as a result of bad governance, and through divisive, ethnic-based politics and policies.  The loss of development opportunities have been great.  Fiji’s image and reputation has been greatly tarnished, not only within its own communities but in the eyes of the international community as well.

• With a deeper understanding and awareness by the people of Fiji of the overall complex situation that Fiji is in, this country can be rebuilt as a nation : to move forward, and to attain the status of a truly democratic, progressive and stable multiracial society.

• The Peoples Charter process, as a national level inclusive and participatory undertaking, is Fiji’s own way of addressing its deep-rooted fundamental problems.

7.Update on Progress

• The first meeting of NCBBF was held in mid-January 08; it established three National Task Teams (NTTs) from within its members.

• NTT1 was to undertake in-depth review of Good Governance (Legal, Political, Institutional and Constitutional Reforms); NTT2 was tasked to look into what Fiji must do to “Grow the Economy”, and NTT3 was to look into Socio-Cultural Identity and Nation Building issues.

• In February 08, the NCBBF released a Consultation Document for the Preparation of the SNE Report; this was disseminated widely throughout the country (in English, Vosavakaviti and Hindi).  This Document served as a basis for consultations and to get Fiji’s people to think about the critical problems and issues.

• During a 10-month period up to June, 08, public outreach teams visited over 1000 villages and settlements throughout the country; and, in addition, up to 2000 oral and written submissions as responses to the national issues outlined in the Consultation Document were received.  

• To accomplish their tasks, the NTTs set up a total of nine Working Groups:

• WG1 on Governance, Leadership and Constitutional Reform;

• WG2 on Institutional and Public Sector Reform;

• WG3 on the Role of Fiji’s Security Forces in National Development;

• WG4 on Clarifying the Respective Roles of Government, Private Sector and Civil Society to achieve stronger growth, greater equity and sustainability;

• WG5 on Development of the Financial Services Sector;

• WG6 on Development of Resource-based sector;  

• WG7 on Poverty, Social Justice and Human Rights;

• WG8 Meeting Basic Needs: Education, Health and Housing; and

• WG9 National Identity and the Role of Religion and Culture in Nation Building.

• Since end of mid-February till mid-June 08, a total of about 200 people (mostly from outside of Government) have been actively involved in the WGs.  38 Issues and Discussion Papers were prepared to support the review and analysis of the subjects covered by the WGs.

• The WGs concluded their work and reported to the NTTs in mid June, 08.

• From all the WG reports and the feedback from communities through the nation-wide consultations, TASS prepared the draft SNE Report and the draft Peoples Charter which the NCBBF considered in a special meeting on 4-5 August, 08.

• The draft Peoples Charter and the Executive Summary of the SNE Report are now being taken to the people of Fiji first, before it is finalised to be submitted to His Excellency the President by the NCBBF.

• NCBBF, despite the constraints and obstacles, has made good progress so far.